Slavery By Another Name


The other day I visited Hebrews Wake Up website. To my surprise the video at the top was no longer working. The message stated that showing this video was in violation of Twin Cities Public Television copyright law. I always thought that Public Television was for educating the public? I guess Slavery By Another Name is too EDUCATIONAL. I wonder if Jim Pagliarini the CEO of TPT understands that Slavery By Another Name promotes the purpose of PBS which is to educate the public. I wonder if the board of trustees which has members from Ameriprise Financial 10 Billion Dollars, Medtronic 16 Billion Dollars, 3M Company 29 Billion Dollars and Wells Fargo 91 Billion Dollars understand that PUBLIC BROADCASTING should be for the public. Oh well maybe they might have skeletons they need to remain buried, but we should be grateful to TPT or I wound not have been inspired to dedicate a needed page to SLAVERY on this planet. Slavery is still being practice by corporation all over our planet. This needs to stop. This needs to be exposed. Below is alternative link to the video that TBT FEARS. I advice that you download the video and save it to your hard Drive and upload it everywhere.


Watch Video Here

 














By Douglas A. Blackmon


www.SlaveryByAnotherName.com


Chancellor James Williams


Chancellor James Williams an African-American sociologist, historian and writer. The author of The Destruction of Black Civilization (1971).Williams was born on December 22, 1893, in Bennettsville, South Carolina, as the last of five children; his father was a former slave, while his mother was a cook, nurse, and evangelist.


"I was very sensitive about the position of Black people in the town... I wanted to know how you explain this great difference. How is it that we were in such low circumstances as compared to the whites? And when they answered 'slavery' as the explanation, then I wanted to know where we came from."


Williams earned an undergraduate degree in Education in 1930 followed by a Master of Arts degree in History in 1935, both from Howard University. After completing a doctoral dissertation on the socioeconomic significance of the storefront church movement in the United States since 1920, he was awarded a Ph.D. in history and sociology by American University in 1949. Dr. Williams passed do to respiratory failure on December 7, 1992. He is survived by his wife of 65 years, Mattie Williams of Washington, and 14 children; 36 grandchildren; 38 great-grandchildren; and 10 great-great-grandchildren.

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Dr. John Henrik Clarke, Edward Scobie, Destruction of African Civilization


Dr. John Clarke, Dr Chancellor Williams, Dr Edward Scobie Destruction of African Civilization


Douglas A. Blackmon

About the Author; Doug A. Blackmon

Douglas A. Blackmon is the Pulitzer-Prize winning author of Slavery by Another Name: The Re-Enslavement of Black Americans from the Civil War to World War II, and co-executive producer of the acclaimed PBS documentary of the same name. His is also a contributing editor at The Washington Post and chair and host of Forum, a public affairs program produced by the University of Virginia's Miller Center and aired on more than 100 PBS affiliates across the U.S.

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Silent Partner: How the South's Fight To Uphold Segregation Was Funded Up North

By Douglas A. Blackmon
June 11, 1999


JACKSON, Miss. — On the afternoon of Sept. 12, 1963, a vice president of Morgan Guaranty Trust Co. sent a telegram to the Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission, the agency created by local politicians to fight the civil-rights movement and preserve racial segregation. A Morgan client, the telegram said, was "setting aside as an anonymous gift" stock valued at $100,000. There was one condition: "Donor would like the fact and amount of the gift to be kept confidential." The matter was referred directly to Mississippi Gov. Ross Barnett, who agreed to the terms and, that same day, sent Morgan instructions on where to send the cash. Once the money arrived in Mississippi, it was funneled to an account in Washington, D.C., where segregationists were launching a fierce campaign to defeat landmark civil-rights legislation abolishing segregation in most public facilities. And in the ensuing months, the mystery contributor would follow up with additional, substantial gifts to help the cause. For nearly four decades, the role of that donor remained concealed in the files of the now-defunct Sovereignty Commission. But last year, a federal judge ordered the unsealing of more than 130,000 commission files. The documents triggered a painful examination of some of the South's most heinous racial crimes. Little explored, though, was the trove of ledgers, invoices and correspondence recording the commission's finances.

Those records show large transfers of money by Morgan on behalf of a client who turns out be a wealthy and reclusive New Yorker named Wickliffe Preston Draper. Mr. Draper used his private banker to transfer nearly $215,000 in stock and cash to the Sovereignty Commission for use in its fight against the Civil Rights Act. The entire budget for the effort amounted to about $300,000. Adjusted for inflation, Mr. Draper's contributions would be worth more than $1.1 million today. The Sovereignty Commission files do more than simply document one man's role. They show that some of the most virulent resistance to civil-rights progress in the 1960s was supported and funded from the North, not just the South. The files also highlight the ethical issues that confront an institution like Morgan Guaranty, the private-banking unit of J.P. Morgan & Co., when it is drawn, even unwittingly, into a client's support for repugnant causes. Since the 1930s, Mr. Draper had been a client of Guaranty Trust, which became Morgan Guaranty when it merged with J.P. Morgan in 1959. It isn't clear whether he used Guaranty to help with funding some of his earlier race related efforts, such as a program in the 1930s to encourage white military pilots to have more children, or research in the 1950s to prove the superiority of whites and the dangers of mixed-race marriages.


When Mr. Draper died in 1972, Morgan was an executor of his estate, overseeing distributions totaling about $5 million to two race-oriented foundations. The primary beneficiary was the Pioneer Fund, an organization Mr. Draper helped found and which became known in recent years for funding research cited in "The Bell Curve," a book arguing that blacks are genetically inclined to be less intelligent than whites or Asians. In his will, Mr. Draper instructed that after his death, the Pioneer Fund use Morgan for financial advice; the fund did so for two decades. Morgan today says that "racism is deplorable" and that the bank doesn't "support institutions that further racist causes." Moreover, the bank notes that it has been a consistent donor to African-American causes, giving more than $3.3 million of its own money to civil-rights-related groups since the late 1960s. Morgan insists that the Sovereignty Commission transactions it processed for Mr. Draper were routine procedures carried out on behalf of a client, over which the bank had no influence or control.

"A thousand times a day, somebody sends money to an organization that 30 years later looks really terrible," says Morgan spokesman Joe Evangelisti. "We can't tell our customers how to spend their money." Mr. Evangelisti says the role Morgan played was no different from the way Wall Street banks today facilitate gifts to organizations that could be equally controversial. He cites donations made to Planned Parenthood (often criticized for its pro-choice stance), or to the Boy Scouts of America (which prohibits gays from becoming troop leaders). Morgan's policy, he says, is to pass no judgment on any client's activities, except in the "rare situation" when "the wishes of a client . . . conflict with the principles that we stand for as a firm." In those cases, the firm may close a client's account, Mr. Evangelisti says. Since the Sovereignty Commission was a legal, state-created entity, says Hildy J. Simmons, a managing director at Morgan Guaranty, the bank had no choice but to follow its client's wishes. It would be no different today. "As long as the receiving party is legal, we have no discretion," says Ms. Simmons. Morgan did close the asset-management account it maintained for the Pioneer Fund after the furor erupted over "The Bell Curve" in 1994, according to people familiar with the situation. The bank won't give details on why it did so.
That option is something banks should consider, says Thomas Donaldson, a business-ethics professor at the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia. "Good bankers should have the words 'Know thy client' tattooed somewhere on their chests," Mr. Donaldson says. "When the activities of the client or customer reach the point where they offend vital, deeply held values of the institution, you have to say no." Read More

By Douglas A. Blackmon
June 11, 1999

HISTORY OF US SLAVERY IN AFRICA


A Documentary of Enslaved Africans loss of identity and culture

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